Time Report on Lahore – March 30, 1953

PAKISTAN: The Mad Mullahs

For two days last week, a wild mob ruled the Pakistan city of Lahore (pop. 849,000). Surging through the streets, hungry Moslems stoned and stabbed police, burned buses and automobiles, ripped up railroad tracks, cut telegraph wires, smashed traffic lights and forcibly blackened the faces of anyone caught riding a bicycle or automobile. All shops closed and public officials fled. The city’s 300 police, disarmed by the mob, were withdrawn from the streets. All communication with the outside world was cut off.

It was a minor revolution which swept this capital of the fertile Punjab province—a revolution engineered by fanatical mullahs against the Pakistan government. Five and a half years ago, when millions of frightened refugees were pouring into newly created Pakistan, the mullahs were the people’s leaders. They had a strong voice in the government. But when the country began establishing industries, hospitals, schools and banks, the mullahs protested that these innovations clashed with Islamic law. When Pakistani women shed their veils and emerged from purdah (complete seclusion in the home), the more fanatic mullahs were outraged. When the time came for Pakistan to draw up a constitution, the mullahs demanded that it be based on the Koran. (Result: Pakistan, a nation of 76 million, is still without a constitution.) The government of Prime Minister Kwaja Nazimuddin avoided an open clash with religious leaders, but paid less attention to their counsel.

The Hungry Mobs. Last month a religious group known as the Ahraris, influenced by fanatic mullahs, demanded that the government declare half a million members of the Ahmadiya sect to be non-Moslems. The Ahmadiyas are a close-knit and unpopular group, followers of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, who at the turn of the century declared himself a Nabi, or prophet of Allah. There was politics in the mullahs’ demands, because Pakistan’s Foreign Minister, able, bearded Sir Mohammed Zafrullah Khan, is an Ahmadiya.* The Ahraris’ mullahs demanded his removal. When the government refused, the mullahs began stirring up trouble, particularly in Lahore, where there are many Ahmadiyas. Craftily they timed their protest to occur before the new season’s crops were harvested, when people were hungry.

Spellbinding mullahs whipped up crowds in Lahore’s many mosques, and in a few days wild processions were shouting anti-Ahmadiya slogans. When police clubbed and shot demonstrators, the bodies of the dead and wounded were dragged to the mosques, where the mullahs exhibited them. Within a week the Ahmadiyas had been forgotten: thousands of hungry Pakistanis had turned their wrath on the government. In the streets they cried “Hai Nazimuddin” (Woe on Nazimuddin).

The Counter Blow. When news of the Lahore uprising reached Prime Minister Nazimuddin in Karachi, he ordered 44-year-old Major General Mohammed Azam Khan, commander of the military cantonment outside Lahore, to move into the city and regain control. Ten thousand Pakistani troops put the city under martial law. Within six hours the revolution was over. The Red Cross counted 330 dead at first aid stations. Other dead, picked up and buried by relatives, probably raised the death toll to 1,000 or more.

At week’s end, Moslem Prime Minister Nazimuddin cautiously blamed the Ahraris for the rioting. This was strong stuff in a nation founded on religion. When the Ahraris failed to protest. Nazimuddin boldly lashed out, accused them of having opposed the formation of Pakistan. The Ahraris stayed silent.

The only sound in Lahore was the banshee wail of the curfew siren and the tramp of hobnailed military boots on the darkened, empty streets.

* Another of his distinctions: to have made the longest-winded speech in U.N. history, which took up two consecutive Security Council meetings. Subject: India’s misdeeds.

17 responses to “Time Report on Lahore – March 30, 1953

  1. haha! “…military cantonment OUTSIDE Lahore…”

    my my the way the city has grown…and 849000 population…wow!

  2. A treat to read such a biased article from Times. Makes one wonder, the bias was there 50 years ago too?

  3. Malik Tehseen Awan

    I am from National Peace Council and Inter Faith Harmony.We are working in whole nation as a sinlge entity.And we are gathering the subunits of different religions in a single platform.In these days Terrorism is big issue for not muslims even for all religions and all religions are effective due to it.We have a vision to organize the different themes of authentic Scholarships to meet for a tentative solution for scattered religions world and work for Human welfare not for destruction of Human beings.

    Chairman Punjab
    Malik Tehseen Awan

    Email address: tehseenalvi@gmail.com
    Phone: +92 300 5000918

  4. National Peace Council and Inter Faith Harmony.We are working in whole nation as a sinlge entity.And we are gathering the subunits of different religions in a single platform.In these days Terrorism is big issue for not muslims even for all religions and all religions are effective due to it.We have a vision to organize the different themes of authentic Scholarships to meet for a tentative solution for scattered religions world and work for Human welfare not for destruction of Human beings.

    Chairman Punjab
    Malik Tehseen Awan

    Email address: tehseenalvi@gmail.com
    Phone: +92 300 5000918 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting +92 300 5000918

  5. What We Stand For PML-N is struggling for a peaceful world for a humane and socially just society with equal opportunities for all in light of the universal principles of Islam.

    •We want peace
    •We are working for a world
    In which all the people of the world live together in harmony, settling their conflicts not through war or an arms race, but rather through peaceful competition and dialogue.
    In which a just economic & political order gives all people a fair chance to develop.

    •We want a global society that respects the values and cultures of all nations, and preserves the existence of mankind an nature on our planet through new and ethical forms of economic activity.
    •We want social equality for all, men and women, a society without classes, privileges, discrimination, and exclusion.
    •We want to attain prosperity and happiness for all through promoting enterprises and distribute if fairly, through equal opportunity and united effort.
    •We want to enrich the life of all people by respecting their culture and aspirations.
    •We want responsible democracy throughout society that provides people an opportunity of self-governance, and respects merit, transparency, fundamental rights of people, diversity and difference of opinion.
    •We seek for Pakistan a modern democratic state based on the ideals of Quaid-e-Azam and Allama Iqbal, the founding fathers, that enables its citizens to live their lives with dignity, justice and prosperity.
    •We want to establish a government that serves its people and enables them to achieve a higher quality of human life. This requires adopting new ideas, new directions, new technologies, and opportunities for the we-being and welfare of the people.

  6. Pre-independence Sultan Muhammad Shah, the Aga Khan III (1877–1957), led a delegation in October 1906 to Viceroy Lord Minto (1845–1914) for a separate electorate for Muslims. During the talks, the viceroy told the delegation that Indian Muslims rights could be achieved only if they established a political party of their own as Hindus have the Indian National Congress. It was in this background that the All-India Muslim League was founded at Dacca (now Dhaka, Bangladesh), Bengal Presidency, in December 1906, as a political party in British India. It was after the AIML was founded that Muslims of India got the political right of the separate electorate. The Minto-Morley reformatory constitutional law of 1909 incorporated for the first time the provision of allocating one-thirds of parliamentary seats for Muslims. This provision was sustained in all the subsequent constitutional reforms introduced by the British rulers, including the Montagu-Chelmsford law of 1919 and the Indian Act, 1935.

    After the independence, the League continued as a minor party in India, more of its roots were in the southern state of Kerala, where it has often been in government within a coalition with others. In Pakistan, the League formed the country’s first government, but disintegrated during the 1950s following an army coup. One or more factions of the Muslim League have been in power in most of the civilian governments of Pakistan since 1947. In Bangladesh, the party was revived in 1976 and won 14 seats in 1979 parliamentary election. Since then its importance has reduced, rendering it insignificant in the political arena.
    Muslim rule was established across India between the 8th and the 14th centuries. The Muslim Turkic Mughal Empire ruled most of India from the early 16th century, but suffered a major decline in the 18th century. The decline of the Mughal empire and its successor states like Avadh led to a feeling of discontentment among Muslim elites. Muslims represented about 25-30 per cent of the population of British India, and constituted the majority of the population in Balochistan, East Bengal, Kashmir valley, North-West Frontier Province, West Punjab, and the Sindh region of the Karachi Presidency. By then Sindh was part of Bombay province and was yet to become a province.
    In the late 19th century an Indian nationalist movement developed with the Indian National Congress being founded in 1885 as a forum that became a political party subsequently. The Congress made no conscious efforts to enlist the Muslim community in its struggle for Indian independence. Although some Muslims were active in the Congress, majority of Muslim leaders did not trust the Hindu predominance and most of the Muslims remained reluctant to join the Congress Party.
    A turning point came in 1900 when the British administration in the largest Indian state, the United Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh), acceded to popular demands and made Hindi, written in the Devenagri script, the official language. This seemed to aggravate minority fears that the Hindu majority would seek to suppress their religion in an independent India. A British official, Sir Percival Griffiths, wrote of these perceptions: “the minority belief that their interest must be regarded as completely separate from those of the majority, and that ethnic tensions between the two communities was possible.”
    The Muslim League was founded by the admirers, companions, and followers of Aligarh Movement. The founding meeting of the League was held on 30 December 1906 at the occasion of the annual All India Muhammadan Educational Conference, at the Ahsan Mqanzil Palace, Shahbagh, Dhaka that was hosted by Nawab Sir Khawaja Salimullah Khan, the Nawab of Dacca. The meeting was attended by three thousand delegates and presided over by Nawab Waqarul Mulk Kamboh, Nawab Mohsinul Mulk and Ameer Ali were also the founding fathers, who attended this meeting.

    A new Muslim orgnisation was needed because Muslim leaders at that time thought the Indian National Congress was essentially a Hindu organization. Formed in the year 1885, the INC did not have any agenda of separate religious identity. Some of its annual sessions were presided over by eminent Muslims like Badruddin Tyabji (1844–1906) and Rahimtulla M. Sayani (1847–1902). Certain trends emerged in the late 19th century that convinced a sizable group of Muslims to chart out a separate course. The rise of communalism in the Muslim community began with a revivalist tendency, with Muslims looking to the history of Arabs as well as the Delhi sultanate and the Moghul rule of India with pride and glory. Although the conditions of the Muslims were not the same all over the British Empire, there was a general backwardness in commerce and education. The British policy of “divide and rule” encouraged certain sections of the Muslim population to remain away from mainstream politics.
    The INC, although secular in outlook, was not able to contain the spread of communalism among Hindus and Muslims alike. The rise of Hindu militancy, the cow protection movement, the use of religious symbols, and so on alienated the Muslims. Syed Ahmed Khan’s (1817–98) ideology and political activities provided a backdrop for a separatist identity to the Muslims. He exhorted that the interests of Hindus and Muslims were divergent. Khan advocated loyalty to the British Empire. Viceroy Lord Curzon (1899–1905) partitioned the province of Bengal in October 1906, creating a Muslim majority province in the eastern wing. The INC’s opposition and the consequent swadeshi (indigenous) movement convinced some Muslim elites that the congress was against the interests of the Muslim community. A pro-partition campaign was begun by the Nawab of Dacca, Khawaja Salimullah Khan (1871–1915), who was promised a huge amount of interest-free loans by Curzon. He would be influential in the new state. The Nawab began to form associations, safeguarding the interests of the Bengali Muslims. He was also thinking in terms of an all-India body. In his Shahbag residence he hosted 2,000 Muslims between December 27 and 30, 1906.

    AIML FORMED: It was on Dec30, 1906 that the AIML was formed. The chairperson of the Dhaka conclave, Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk (1841–1917), declared that the league would remain loyal to the British and would work for the interests of the Muslims. The constitution of the league, the Green Book, was drafted by Maulana Muhammad Ali Jouhar (1878–1931). The headquarters of the league was set up in Aligarh (Lucknow from 1910), and Aga Khan was elected the first president. Thus, a separate all-India platform was created to voice the grievances of the Muslims and contain the growing influence of the Congress.. The AIML had a membership of 400, and a branch was set up in London two years later by Syed Ameer Ali (1849–1928).
    The league was dominated by landed aristocracy and civil servants of the United Provinces. In its initial years it passed pious resolutions. The leadership had remained loyal to the British Empire, and the Government of India Act of 1909 granted separate electorates to the Muslims. A sizable number of Muslim intellectuals advocated a course of agitation in light of the annulment of the partition of Bengal in 1911. Two years afterward the league demanded self-government in its constitution. There was also change in leadership of the league after the resignation of President Aga Khan in 1913. Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876–1948), the eminent lawyer from Bombay (now Mumbai), joined the league.
    JINNAH IN AIML: Hailed as the ambassador of “Hindu-Muslim unity,” Jinnah was an active member of the INC. He still believed in cooperation between the two communities to drive out the British. He became the president of the AIML in 1916 when it met in Lucknow. He was also president between 1920 and 1930 and again from 1937 to 1947. Jinnah was instrumental in the Lucknow Pact of 1916 between the congress and the league, which assigned 30 percent of provincial council seats to Muslims. But there was a gradual parting of the ways between the INC and the AIML. The appearance of Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948) on the Indian scene further increased the distance, as Jinnah did not like Gandhi’s non-cooperation movement.
    The short-lived hope of rapprochement between the two parties occurred in the wake of the coming of the Simon Commission. The congress accepted the league’s demand for one-third representation in the central legislature. But the Hindu Mahasabha, established in 1915, rejected the demand at the All Parties Conference of 1928. The conference also asked Motilal Nehru (1861–1931) to prepare a constitution for a free India. The Nehru Report spelled out a dominion status for India. The report was opposed by the radical wing of the INC, which was led by Motilal’s son Jawaharlal Nehru (1889–1964). The league also rejected the Nehru Report as it did not concede to all the league’s demands. Jinnah called it a parting of the ways, and the relations between the league and the congress began to sour. The league demanded separate electorates and reservation of 33 per cent seats for the Muslims. From the 1920s on the league itself was not a mass-based party. In 1928 in the presidency of Bombay it had only 71 members. In Bengal and the Punjab, the two Muslim majority provinces, the Unionist Party and the Praja Krushsk Party, respectively, were powerful. League membership also did not increase substantially. In 1922 it had a membership of 1,093, and after five years it increased only to 1,330. Even in the historic 1930 session at Allahabad, when the demand for a separate Muslim state was first voiced by President Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938), it lacked a quorum, with only 75 members present.
    After coming back from London, Jinnah again took the mantle of leadership of the league. The British had agreed to give major power to elected provincial legislatures per the 1935 Government of India Act. The INC was victorious in general constituencies but did not perform well in Muslim constituencies. Many Muslims had subscribed to the INC’s ideal of secularism. It seemed that the two-nation theory, exhorting that the Hindus and Muslims form two different nations, did not appeal to all the Muslims. The Muslims were considered a nation with a common language, history, and religion according to the two-nation theory.
    In 1933 a group of Cambridge students led by Choudhary Rahmat Ali (1897–1951) had coined the term Pakistan (land of the pure), taking letters from Muslim majority areas: Punjab P, Afghania (North-West Frontier Province) A, Kashmir K, Indus-Sind IS, and Baluchistan TAN. The league did not achieve its dream of a separate homeland for the Muslims until 1947. It had been an elite organization without a mass base, and Jinnah took measures to popularize it. The membership fees were reduced, committees were formed at district and provincial levels, socioe-conomic content was put in the party manifesto, and a vigorous anti-congress campaign was launched. The scenario changed completely for the league when in the famous Lahore session the Pakistan Resolution was adopted on March 23, 1940. Jinnah reiterated the two-nation theory highlighting the social, political, economic, and cultural differences of the two communities. The resolution envisaged an independent Muslim state consisting of Sindh, the Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province, and Bengal. The efforts of Jinnah after the debacle in the 1937 election paid dividends as 100,000 joined the league in the same year.
    There was no turning back for the league after the Pakistan Resolution. The league followed a policy of cooperation with the British government and did not support the Quit India movement of August 1942. The league was determined to have a separate Muslim state, whereas the congress was opposed to the idea of partition. Reconciliation was not possible, and talks between Gandhi and Jinnah for a united India in September 1944 failed. After the end of World War II, Great Britain did not have the economic or political resources to hold the British Empire in India. It decided to leave India finally and ordered elections to central and provincial legislatures. The league won all 30 seats reserved for Muslims with 86 percent of the votes in the elections of December 1945 for the center. The Congress captured all the general seats with 91 percent of the votes. In the provincial elections of February 1946, the league won 440 seats reserved for Muslims out of a total of 495 with 75 percent of the votes.
    Flush with success, the Muslim members gathered in April for the Delhi convention and demanded a sovereign state and two constitution-making bodies. Jinnah addressed the gathering, saying that Pakistan should be established without delay. It would consist of the Muslim majority areas of Bengal and Assam in the east and the Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province, Sind, and Baluchistan in the west. The British government had dispatched a cabinet mission in March to transfer power. The league accepted the plan of the cabinet mission, but the league working committee in July withdrew its earlier acceptance and called for a Direct Action Day on August 16.
    The league joined the interim government in October but decided not to attend the Constituent Assembly. In January 1947 the Muslim League launched a “direct action” against the non–Muslim League government of Khizr Hayat Tiwana (1900–75) of the Punjab. Partition was inevitable, and the new viceroy, Lord Louis Mountbatten (1900–79), began to talk with leaders from the league as well as the congress to work out a compromise formula. On June 3, 1947, it was announced that India and Pakistan would be granted independence. The Indian Independence Act was passed by the British parliament in July, and the deadline was set for midnight on August 14–15. The demand of the league for a separate state was realized when the Islamic Republic of Pakistan was born on August 14.
    On August 15 Jinnah was sworn in as the first governor-general of Pakistan, and Liaqat Ali Khan (1895–1951) became the prime minister. The new nation had 60 million Muslims in East Bengal, West Punjab, Sind, the North-West Frontier Province, and Baluchistan. After independence the league did not remain a major political force for long, and dissent resulted in many splinter groups. The Pakistan Muslim League had no connection with the original league. In India the Indian Union Muslim League was set up in March 1948 with a stronghold in the southern province of Kerala. The two-nation theory received a severe jolt when East Pakistan seceded after a liberation struggle against the oppressive regime of the west. A new state, Bangladesh, emerged in December 1971. In the early 21st century more Muslims resided in India (175 million) than in Pakistan (159 million).
    Early Years

    Sir Aga Khan was appointed the first Honorary President of the Muslim League and Lord Hume was selected its first secretary. The headquarters were established at Lucknow. There were also six vice-presidents, a secretary and two joint secretaries initially appointed for a three-year term, proportionately from different provinces. The principles of the League were espoused in the “Green Book,” which included the organisation’s constitution, written by Maulana Mohamad Ali. Its goals at this stage did not include establishing an independent Muslim state, but rather concentrated on protecting Muslim liberties and rights, promoting understanding between the Muslim community and other Indians, educating the Muslim and Indian community at large on the actions of the government, but with allegiance to the British Raj, Mohammad Ali Jinnah became disillusioned with politics after the failure of his attempt to form a Hindu-Muslim alliance, and he spent most of the 1920s in Britain. The leadership of the League was taken over by Sir Muhammad Iqbal, who in 1930 first put forward the demand for a separate Muslim state in India. The two-state solution was rejected by the Congress leaders, who favoured a united India based on composite national identity. .
    The League, however, rejected the proposal that the committee returned (called the Nehru Report), arguing that it gave too little representation (one quarter) to Muslims, established Devanagari as the official language of the colony, and demanded that India turn into a de facto unitary state, with residuary powers resting at the center – the League had demanded at least one-third representation in the legislature and sizeable autonomy for the Muslim provinces. Jinnah reported a “parting of the ways” after his requests for minor amendments to the proposal were denied outright, and relations between the Congress and the League.
    At Lahore the League formally recommitted itself to creating an independent Muslim state called Pakistan, including Sindh, Punjab,Baluchistan, the North West Frontier Province and Bengal, that would be “wholly autonomous and sovereign.” The resolution guaranteed protection for non-Muslim religions. The Lahore Resolution was adopted on March 23, 1940, and its principles formed the foundation for Pakistan’s first constitution. Talks between Jinnah and Gandhi in 1944 in Bombay failed to achieve agreement. This was the last attempt to reach a single-state solution.
    Sher-i-Bengal Maulvi A K Fazlul Haq moved the Lahore Resolution and Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman seconded it with Jinnah presiding over the session. In the 1940s, Jinnah emerged as a leader of the Indian Muslims and was popularly known as Quaid-e-Azam (Great Leader). In the Constituent Assembly elections of 1946, the League won 425 out of 496 seats reserved for Muslims (and about 89.2% of Muslim votes) on a policy of creating an independent state of Pakistan, and with an implied threat of secession if this was not granted. M K Gandhi, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Jawaharlal Nehru, who with the election of another Labour government in Britain in 1945 saw independence within reach, were adamantly opposed to dividing India

    Chairman Punjab
    Malik Tehseen Awan

  7. Pakistan Resolution At the time of Pakistani independence in 1947 the Muslim League was the only major party in Pakistan and claimed the allegiance of almost every Muslim in the country. However, Mohammad Ali Jinnah had other plans after his appointment as the first Governor-General of the new state. His maiden speech to the constituent assembly on August 11,1947 spelled out, as Magna Carta of the future agenda, each and every important feature of Pakistan’s polity that was based on equality of all citizens, federal parliamentary democracy and rule of law to name a few of them. He also his own perceptions about the party he was heading. He thought that the All-India Muslim League must a have a constitutional and legal successor as an organization that was to rule the new born country. To achieve the target, he convened in November 1947 a session of the AIML Council and it was held in Karachi on December 14 and 15 upon invitation sent by the party’s convener Khan Liaquat Ali Khan, who had taken over as the first prime minister. The council decided to establish two organizations of the AIML. Its nomenclature in India was to remain the same while it was Pakistan Muslin League for the new state. Hussein Shaheed Suhrawardy, who had been the AIML-nominated prime minister of Bengal in 1937 and held the same office after 1946 elections, did not agree to PML as the name of AIML in Pakistan. He pleaded the word “Muslim” had lost its efficacy after partition and the organization might be named as Pakistan League. His suggestion was not accepted and Suhrawardy parted ways with the party to found the Awami League to serve the first shock to the country’s political structure.
    The first party convention, held in Karachi February 1948, elected Chaudhry Khaleeqz Zaman as the chief organizer and elected a new PML Council. Zaman appointed provincial organizing committees. The first meeting of the new party council, held n Karachi in April 1949, elected Khaleequz Zaman as the party president and also incorporated a new clause in the constitution according to which no party office-bearer could become a minister or accept any office of benefit.
    But events that followed in the wake of differences in Muslim League ministries in Sindh and Punjab, led to the exit of Sindh chief minister Khuhro and the elevation of Pir Ealhi Bukhsh as the new chief minister. In Punjab, Sikandar Hayat allied with Mumtaz Daultana to controvert chief Minister Nawab Zulfiqar Khan Mamdot. These skirmishes weakened the ruling party. It was in this background that Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, who already had a meeting with the Quaid-i-Azam in Peshawar I May 1848, announced the formation of the Pakistan People’s Party the same month with the objective of serving as opposition. Ghaffar Khan was the PPP’s president and G M Syed, who has been a staunch Leaguer and became highly instrumental in the passage of a Sindh Assembly resolution in favour of Pakistan as back as 1936, the secretary-general. A month later Ghaffar Khan was arrested under the Frontier Crimes Regulations.
    More or less at the same time, Mian Iftikharud Din, a leftist feudal who was the Punjab president of the Muslim League at the time of partition and later disillusioned with the PML affairs like G M Syed, founded with like-minded people like Mian MahmoodAli Kasuri, Faiz Ahmad Faiz etc, the Azad Pakistan Party in Punjab and it remained in opposition to the Muslim League government in the provincial assembly. The party had a number of Communist Party members in it fold. The party held regular meetings showing concern over the provincial and central governments till 1953 when most of its leaders were arrested in the Rawalpindi Conspiracy case leading to its demise.
    After the death of the Quaid-i-Azam, provincial organizations were elected. Mumtaz Daultana was elected as Punjab president on Nov 25,1948 and Khuhro, who was facing corruption charges under the Public Representative Office Disqualification Act (PARODA) before a special tribunal, was returned Sindh president unopposed on Dec 5. Khuhro was convicted for three years in prison. But Sindh Chief Court acquitted him on an appeal and he re-took the party office that he had relinquished in view of trial against him.
    LIAQAT ALI KHAN BECOMES PML PRESIDENT: Simultaneously, the PML organizations started a campaign against Chaudhry Khaleequz Zaman, the party president and chief organizer, and he quit both the office leaving two major party offices vacant. The party’s central council met in Karachi on Oct 8, 1950 and elected Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan the new party president. Thus, Liaqat Ali Khan became the first key office bearer to violate the party constitution. Following his footsteps, Punjab chief minister Mumtaz Daultana took over as the president of the provincial party and NWFP chief minister Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan also became the provincial party chief.
    The process continued as Khawja Nazimuddin, who was the country’s second Governor-General after the Quaid-i-Azam, was elected as prime minister after the assassination of Liaqat Ali Khan. Pakistan’s finance minister Ghulam Mohammad then became the third GG. Later, Nazimuddin also became the PML president on Nov 16, 1951. Also all the prime ministers were “elected” the PML presidents and all chief ministers the provincial presidents of the party. The only exception was Chaudhry Mohammad Ali who took over as the prime minister after Mohammad Ali Bogra. Bogra was also the PML president but with Chaudhry Mohammad Ali as the prime minister, Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar was elected the PML president.
    The first humiliation that the PML faced was the election in East Pakistan where Awami League headed by H S Suhrawardy with Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhshani as the AL president of the East Pakistan orgnisation and Krishik Saramic (Peasant and labour) of Maulvi A K Fazlul Haq formed the Jugtu (United) Front. The Front inflicted so heavy a defeat on the PML as to reduce it to bag only 10 of 238 Muslim seats in the 300-member East Pakistan Assembly. The defeat was so complete as to see Nurul Amin, the provincial chief minister and PML president of the province, losing against young man who contested on the AL ticket. Fazul Haq was elected the new chief minister but the central government imposed governor’s rule after bloody riots in three factories, Khulna Jute Mills, Khulna Match Facorty and Karnafulli Paper Mills. Maj Gen Iskandar Mirza, a member of the federal cabinet, was appointed the governor. He held the Communist Party responsible for riots. The party was banned and hundreds of its activists arrested,
    Governor-General Ghulam Mohammad dissolved the Constituent Assembly on Oct 24, 1954 at a time when the west and eat Pakistan leadership had reached a consensus formula for the new constitution and all in Pakistan expected the constitution would be adopted in another one month or so. Speaker Maulvi Tameezud Din Khan moved the Sindh High Court despite all difficulties that included closing down in the assembly building with a lock on the main gate. The SHC declared the governor-general’s dissolution order as illegal and restored the constituent assembly. The federation moved the Supreme Court in an appeal which was accepted by a bench headed by Chief Justice Mohammad Munir who used, for the first time, the phrase of “Doctrine of necessity”. Simultaneously, GG appointed a new team of minister who also included Iskandar Mirza, Dr Khan Sahib and C-in-C Gen Mohammad Ayub Khan in uniform. Bogra was retained as prime minister and he announced the formation of One-Unit of West Pakistan on Nov 22, 1954. H S Suhrawady also joined the cabinet later. Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani was appointed the first governor of West Pakistan and Dr Khan Sahib became chief minister.
    REPUBLICAN PARTY: The new junta forced Ghulam Mohammad to resign and Iskandar Mirza became the new Governor-General on Aug 6, 1955 with Chaudhry Mohammad Ali as prime minister. He was heading a coalition government at the center comprising PML, Awami League and Krishak Saramik Party. After the passage of the maiden constitution in 1956, Iskandar Mirza became the first president of Pakistan. Party president Sradar Abdur Rab Nishtar asked the party to form a parliamentary group in the new assembly. The process began with conspiracies and Iskandar Mirza had his own plans. He wanted his close friend Dr Khan Sahib to head the party. Leaguers did not trust him as parliamentary leader. They wanted Sardar Bahadur Khan to be their leader and elected him as such with the support of 127 members.. But Dr Khan Sahib, also the interim chief minister, used his close association with the powerful president as a lever and solicited the support of about 70 members of the house called “The One-Unit Group”. Most of them were “Muslim League stalwarts” and custodians of the ideological front belonging to their old Unionist Party”. As the chances of Dr Khan Sahib becoming dim as parliamentary leader, Iskandar Mirza decided to float the idea of forming the Republican Party with Dr Khan Sahib as president. The new party caused a huge defection in the PML camp and most of its members joined the Republican Party overnight. This Punjab-centered party later formed the new West Pakistan government.

    Two powerful Bengali leaders and former Muslim League members, Hussein Shahid Suhrawardy and Maulvi A K Fazlul Haq, used their own parties, the Awami League and the Krishak Sramik Party (Workers and Peasants), in a joint effort in 1954 to defeat the Muslim League in the first election held in East Pakistan after partition. Fazlul Haq had made the motion to adopt the historic “Pakistan Resolution” in 1940, and Suhrawardy, subsequently the last chief minister of undivided Bengal, had seconded it. Both men were alienated by West Pakistani domination of the Muslim League. Suhrawardy was elected leader of the opposition in the second Constituent Assembly and in 1956 was appointed prime minister, a further loss for the Muslim League because he was the first non-Muslim League politician to hold this position. By this time, the Muslim League had lost its influence in both East Pakistan and West Pakistan, having also lost its majority in the West Pakistan Legislative Assembly to the Punjab-centered Republican Party. The promulgation of martial law in 1958 and the dissolution of all political parties finally resulted in the demise of the Muslim League after its fifty-two- year existence.
    AYUB KHAN: Gen Mohammad Ayub Khan, the first Commander-in-Chief after Pakistan came into being, assumed power imposing the first Martial law in the country on Oct 8, 1958, on the insinuation of Iskandar Mirza. He took over first the chief martial law administrator but within days booted out Mirza to become the president and banned all political parties including the ruling Republican Party and the PML. But Ayub Khan was a politically ambitious person. In 1962, he lifted martial law and, for the first time used as the dictator of the time, the Pakistan Muslim League tat he formed at a “Convention” as was named the Convention Muslim League. All the Republican Party members joined the Convention League. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a young member of the martial law cabinet, was appointed by Ayub Khan as the first secretary-general of the CML and he was succeeded by Malik Mohammad Qasim who later used to say that “That (becoming CML’s secretary-general) is the only black spot on my fair political face)”. The other PML of the time was he Council Muslim League headed by Mumtaz Daultana and included people like Qayyum Khan. Ayub held Basic Democracies elections in 1964 using his party for the first time. He used 80,000 BD members to form an electoral college for the presidential election in 1964 in which he faced Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s sister Fatima Jinnah as a strong opponent with Council Muslim League throwing its weight behind her. Though Ayub won, he fell from grace and was ultimately made to quit in the wake of a popular movement that the newly formed Pakistan People’s Party (formed on Nov 30, 1969 in Lahore). But when Ayub left, he handed over Pakistan to C-in-C Gen Mohmmad Yahya Khan to impose the second martial law.
    PML AS PLOY OF ALL DICTATORS: It was only the Pakistan Muslim League that all military dictators (mis)used in the same nomenclature. It was first Gen Ayub who formed the Convention Muslim League in 1962. Genl Ziaul Haq and Gen Pervez Musharraf also followed the suit. Every time the pro-establishment political leaders were put together, who splintered apart when the general’s blessings faded away. All of them were the same elements who had joined the AIML in 1946 and crossed over to the Republican Party in 1956. They come from the feudal political “influential” families who still rule the country with one Muslim League or the other. It is important to note that the post-1956 era saw the presence of different factions of the PML, all claiming to be the “genuine” heirs of the Quaid-i-Azam’s Muslim League.
    The fist credible elections were held in 1970 because dictator Yahya Khan had the classified political assessment by the regime’s intelligence agencies that neither of the parties contesting would get absolute majority; they will emerge as small groups and the military dictator would have sufficient political room to maneuver the political scene to his requirements. Two PML factions, the Convention League and the Council Muslim League contested this general poll and saw a route at the hands of the Awami League in East Pakistan and the newest of the organizations, the Pakistan People’s Party. All the religio-political parties put together bagged six seats across the country. It was during these elections that Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan developed differences with the Council Muslim League and parted ways with it to form his own faction of the PML called the PML Qayyum.
    The Convention League went into a political abyss during the first PPP government of the late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and the Council League chose to support Bhutto. Its president, Mumtaz Daultana, saw his political demise when he accepted to become the high commissioner in the United Kingdom in 1973. When Bhutto called elections in March 1977, a nine-party Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) came into being with the manifesto was to bring back the 1970 prices. Implementation of Islam was its election slogan. They promised to enforce Islamic laws “Nizam-e-Mustafa”, the Shariah. They were a conglomerate of diverse views and of contradictory causes, such as Asghar Khan’s secularism, Khan Abdul Wali Khan’s Socialism and Maulana Abul A’ala Maudoodi’s hard line Islamism united by common dislike of Zulfiqar Bhutto. It was at that time that the Council League was revived as the PML to join the anti-Bhutto PNA with Pir Pagaro as its president.
    Gen Mohammad Ziaul Haq, whom Bhutto appointed the Chief of Army Staff above six senior generals, clamped the third martial law on July 5, 1977, at he head of a bloody PNA agitation launched on the allegation that Bhutto had “massively rigged” the 1977 elections. After the break-up of Pakistan, the Muslim League led by Qayyum Khan allied with the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) that assumed power in (West) Pakistan. By 1973, the other two Muslim Leagues had merged into one party and elected Pir of Pagaro as the president. PML (Pagaro Group) also joined hands with other opposition parties to form an alliance, the United Democratic Front (UDF), to oppose Bhutto’s policies. Subsequently, it formed an electoral alliance in cooperation with the other opposition parties to establish PNA. Malik Mohammad Qasim was the PML secretary-general and also the PNA’s secretary-general. Chaudhry Zahoor Elahi was among other main PML leaders.
    Zia lifted martial law in 1985 to hold no-party elections. The main opposition at that time was the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) of which the PPP was the major party. As Pir Pagaro decided to support Gen Zia, a new PML emerged on the scene to join the MRD. Khawaja Khairuddin was its president and Malik Qasim the general secretary. Malik Qasim also became the MRD’s secretary-general. The MRD boycotted non-party elections in 1985 and Gen Zia sponsored the formation of yet another PML inside the National Assembly and prime minister Mohammad Khan Junejo was appointed the PML president. Mian Mohamma Nawaz Sharif, who started his political career as Punjab finance minister in the Punjab Council (nominated assembly), in 1983, was appointed the provincial PML president. He later became the chief minister of the largest province.
    When Zia dismissed the Junejo government and his hand-picked National Assembly along with all provincial assemblies in 1987, the PML split in two factions. Junejo himself led his faction and after his death it was taken over by Hamid Nasser Chatha. Manzoor Ahmad Wattoo was the Punjab president and Iqbal Ahmad Khan the secretary-general of this group.
    The other group elected Fida Mohammad Khan as president and Mian mohammad Nawaz Sharif as secretary-general. This was the time when the PML had several factions. Pir Pagaro named his PML as “Functional”; Malik Mohammad Qasim had his own group called the Qasim faction. One of them was the PML Liaquat group in Sindh. Yet another was formed by Mian Mazoor Wattoo in the name of PML(Jinnah). This group later allied with the PPP in 1988 to form the People’s Democratic Alliance (PDA). Wattoo’s PML (Jinnah) took part in the 1988 elections and won 18 seats in Punjab to hold the PPP parliamentary in the province in a way as to head the provincial government with Wattoo as chief minister. A little later, Hamid Nasser Chatha, who had been the secretary-general of the PML (Junejo) formed his Chatha faction after the death of Mohammad Khan Junejo. PML (Chatha) later became part of the Grand Democratic Alliance (GDA) headed by the PPP against the Nawaz Sharif government. In fact all the political parties were in the GDA which became instrumental in getting the government of Nawaz Sharif government dismissed in 1993 despite his “heavy mandate”.
    Till now Nawaz Sharif’s PML was part of the Islamic Democratic Alliance (IJI). After his government as dismissed in 1993, he established the PML (Nawaz).PML (Junejo) was also disbanded by Hamid Nasser Chatha to form PML (Chatha) with Hamid Nasser Chatha as president and Iqbal Ahmed Khan as secretary-general. There was further split within PML (Junejo) when Manzoor Wattoo in 1995 parted ways with his cousin Hamid Nasser Chatha to create his own PML (Jinnah). The party broke because Chattha wanted to be the president of PML (Junejo), much to the annoyance of Wattoo. The differences cropped up in the same year when Wattoo was removed as the Punjab Chief Minister in the power struggle between the province (headed by PML (Junejo) and the center (headed by rival PPP), leading Arif Nakai another PML (Junejo) candidate to be the new chief minister.
    Interestingly, Gen Zia’s son Ijazul Haq, the senior vice-president of Sharf’s party, created his own faction – PML (Zia) – in 2002 after he developed differences with Nawaz Sharif and Chaudhry Shujaat Husain, also a senior leader of PML-N at that time.
    When Gen Pervez Musharraf held elections in 2002, the PML-N had already seen a major defection caused by Lahore’s Mian Mohammad Azhar in 2001. Mian Azhar, as an agent of the establishment, founded the PML (Quaid-i-Azam) with the help of “like-minded” elements like Syeda Abida Husain, Khurshid Mahmood Kasuri and Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain. Much before the 2002 elections, Chaudhry Shujaat had outmaneuvered Mian Azhar to become the president. Officially called Pakistan Muslim League, after the 2004 unification of many smaller PML factions including PML (Zia) of Ijazul Haq.
    After the PML (Q) government was sent packing in the February 2008 elections, Mian Manzoor Wattoo had disbanded his PML faction and joined the PPP. He was elected to the National Assembly from Okara and became a member of the federal cabinet. After the elections, the hitherto ruling party, headed by Chaudhry Shujaat Husain, saw another mass defection and Hamid Nasser Chatha, Saleem Saifullah, Syeda Abida Husain, Khurshid Mahmood Kasuri, Humayun Akhtat Khan and many others parted ways with the Chaudhries from Gujrat to form a faction called “Like-Minded”. They have yet to form a formal party. With a lot of cleansing, the PML (Q) and PML (N) remain the survivors so far. But one of the “like-minded” Abida Husain has since joined the PPP that she left in 1977 but kept on re-entering and leaving its folds as frequently as her pro-establishment politics warranted. Another addition to the PML factions is the Awami Muslim League that Sheikh Rashid Ahmad, always on the right side of the PML governments, established in 2010. The first electoral contest the faction entered into was a by-poll from NA-55 , Rawalpindi, and its chief, Sheikh Rasid Ahmad, suffered a defeat.
    The latest on the PML front is that former military dictator Gen Pervez Musharraf announced in June 2010 the establishment of the All-Pakistan Muslim League at a time when the military ruler is facing criminal and corruption charges, including murder of Nawab Akbar Bugti and is living in exile and is not unlikely to return home. However, efforts to unite the Pakistan Muslim League into one single party are still in progress as the PML-Q chief Chaudhry Shujaat Husain has now turned to Pir Pagara to head the unified party which is projected to emerge after the Q-League dispenses with its separate political identity by merging in the united League. The architects of this unity also appealed to the PML-N to follow the Q-League suit but the PML-N leadership has repudiated the offer.

  8. PML-N Achievements Muhammad Nawaz Sharif became the prime minister for the first time in November 1990 when his political coalition, the IJI, won more than a two- thirds majority in the National Assembly. The IJI alliance, a conglomeration of mostly politico-religious parties whose chief components were the PML and the Jamaat-i-Islami, was formed in 1988 to oppose the PPP in the elections that year. In the 1988 elections, the PPP emerged as the single largest group in the National Assembly and its leader, Benazir, became prime minister. At the same time, however, Nawaz Sharif emerged as the most powerful politician outside the PPP. Just two years later, the IJI under Nawaz Sharif’s leadership achieved victory at the polls and Nawaz Sharif took over in a peaceful, constitutional transfer of power–the third prime minister since Zia’s death in 1988 ushered in a return to democracy. Nawaz Sharif’s ascendancy also marked a transition in the political culture of Pakistan–a power shift from the traditional feudal aristocracy to a growing class of modern entrepreneurs. This transition mirrored the socioeconomic changes that had been at work in Pakistan, moving the country gradually from a feudal to an industrial society. Earlier, as Punjab’s chief minister, Nawaz Sharif initiated welfare and development activities and focused on the maintenance of law and order.
    In his first address to the nation after taking office as prime minister, Nawaz Sharif announced his government’s comprehensive national reconstruction plan and said that its implementation would ensure the successful march of Pakistan into the twenty-first century. He said that proper use of the country’s natural resources would be made, the pace of industrialization expedited and the best use of talented manpower made. Under his development policy, investment would be encouraged and restrictions on setting up new industries would be lifted.
    Early assessments of Nawaz Sharif and his government noted his initiative, youthful energy, and already proven ability and popularity in his home province, the country’s power base. Newspaper Dawn pointed out, however, that his Punjab connection was both an asset and a liability and that “to acquire a genuinely all-Pakistan stature, he will have to have ingenuity, acumen, magnanimity, vision and the political will to take bold decisions.”
    The goals of the Sharif government’s programme included self-reliance, deregulation and denationalization, taxation reform, foreign exchange and payment reform, administrative and law reform and increases in agricultural productivity and exports. The government’s economic strategy rested on streamlining the institutional framework for industrialization and on starting a new partnership with the private sector in order to promote common objectives. Nawaz Sharif regarded unemployment as Pakistan’s major problem and believed it could be solved only by rapid industrialization. He said his government was considering special incentives for rural industrialization and agro-based industries and was fully committed to a policy of deregulation.
    From the outset, the Nawaz Sharif government’s record was mixed. On the one hand, it achieved passage in May 1991 of the Shariat Bill, which declared the Quran and the Hadith to be law of the law of the land. But, on the other hand, secular-minded Pakistanis feared that a theocracy was being established. A working group was set up to monitor and make recommendations for enforcing Islamic laws in the country. The working group adopted a nineteen-point plan that included calls for the implementation of all Islamic legislation, especially the laws creating sharia courts; transformation of the education system to reflect Islamic teaching; controls on the print and electronic media designed to ensure Islamic moral values; uniform and enforced prayer schedules; and the establishment of an Islamic banking system and the total abolition of interest.
    In November 1991 the Federal Shariat Court, Pakistan’s supreme religious court, declared the provisions of some twenty federal and provincial laws repugnant to Islam. A particular problem was the ruling that payment of interest (riba) was prohibited. The Nawaz Sharif government overcame some of the bottlenecks created in carrying out its agenda by a domestic policy initiative of liberalization of the economy. With no broad consensus in Pakistan on Islamic reform, Nawaz Sharif sought to strike an acceptable balance to satify most segments of society enabling his government to carry out the economic agenda.
    The government also had to contend with rampant crime and terrorism, which continued to be a cause for alarm in the country, particularly in Sindh. Kidnapping, bombing and killing persisted despite concerted efforts by police and the military authorities to curb lawlessness. Pakistanis called this state of affairs as the Kalashnikov culture because the flood of available automatic weapons gave long-standing ethnic and political rivalries a deadly new significance .These arms were largely a legacy of the war in neighboring Afghanistan. The police were increasingly outgunned and even foreigners were not immune from attack. In the summer of 1991, the prime minister, in an effort to stem violence, got the Twelfth Amendment to the Constitution passed to enhance the jurisdictional authority of Speedy Trial Courts to dispense summary justice.
    Nawaz Sharif held to his conviction that the solution to Pakistan’s political problems was free-market reform and economic growth; so he liberalized foreign-exchange regulations and denationalized several public-sector industrial enterprises and financial institutions. The new law on the pragmatic economic approach provided that the government approval was no longer required for the establishment of new industries (with some exceptions, particularly in relation to arms and explosives). A number of important industries in sectors like electricity generation, shipping, airlines, highway construction and telecommunications were opened up to the private sector. Although there was substabtial support for liberalizing and privatizing the economy, there also was considerable criticism that took the toll of the decision to be wholesomely implemented. The controversy engulfing the Pakistan Cooperative Societies and the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) financial scandal proved to be major factors for slowing down the economic reform.
    However, undeterred by all odds, the PML-N government kept the goal of consolidating economic growth and overcoming the country’s regional divisions aloft and went all out to raise the level of the country’s communication infrastructure on a par with any network in the most advanced countries; Nawaz Sharif was himself fully convinced of the need for a modern national infrastructure regardless of cost. As a result, he launched the construction of a US$1 billion superhighway (Motorway) project under the National Highway Authority as an initiative that promised a major a step to building a nation .
    One important development took place before the Nawaz Sharif government was sent packing. Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif silently reached an understanding that they would not go to destablise the other. One striking example, often quoted about this understanding relations between the two softened. Nawaz Sharif ceased calling her an “enemy of Pakistan,” and Benazir abandoned her plan of demonstrations designed to topple Nawaz Sharif’s government through street power. Still the National Assembly was dissolved by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan in 1993 when there were four major powers in Pakistan – President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the military, Nawaz Sharif’s IJI government, and the PPP opposition led by Benazir. Reports of a growing rift between Nawaz Sharif and Ishaq Khan became more commonplace. The military–which never had an overt constitutional role in the government but which had historically been a key player in the formation and dismissal of governments–was closely and nervously monitored by observers. The Nawaz Sharif government was dismissed by the president in April 1993. He was reinstated by the Supreme Court, headed by Justice Syed Nasim Hasan Shah, but Nawaz Sharif had to resign along with the President in July 1993 covertly with the interference of the armed forces.
    During his tenure as prime minister, efforts were made to strengthen the industries with the help of private sector. Projects like Ghazi Brotha and Gawadar mini port were initiated. Land was distributed among landless peasants in Sindh. Relations with the Central Asian Muslim Republics were strengthened and ECO. was given a boost. In an attempt to end the Afghan crisis, the “Islamabad Accord” was reached between various Afghan factions. His most important contribution was economic progress despite American sanctions on Pakistan through the Pressler Amendment.

    Pakistan Muslim League again won the elections held in February 1997, and Nawaz Sharif was re-elected as Prime Minister with an overwhelming majority. Taking advantage of his absolute majority in the National Assembly, he went ahead in implementing the party’s agenda for a change. His government added a landmark to the constitutional history of Pakistan by repealing the controversial Eighth Amendment that empowered the president to dismiss the Prime Minister and dissolve the National Assembly. This repeal came through the Thirteenth Constitutional Amendment that deleted Article 58(2)(b) of the Eighth Amendment. He added another milestone to the constitution when his Parliament adopted the anti-defection Fourteenth Amendment Bill. His development venture of the Lahore-Islamabad motorway has also been appreciated by a segment of society. It was during this tenure as prime minister that Nawaz Sharif stepped up the pace of public-private partnership in strengthening the industrial sector. Projects like Ghazi Brotha and the Gawadar miniport were also initiated. The PML-N government took a bold initiative of distributing state land among landless peasants in Sindh. A massive uplift of Murree and Kahuta was completed during his term as Punjab chief minister and this helped a long way in of boosting relations with the Central Asian Muslim republics and strengthening of Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) that also included Iran and Turkey in its fold. In an attempt to end conflict and crisis in Afghanistan, the government of Nawaz Sharif played a significant role of arranging a meeting of all important Afghan faction that concluded the “Islamabad Accord”. His most important contribution was the country’s economic progress despite US sanctions on Pakistan through the Pressler Amendment. The stupendous Motorway project was initiated that was completed during the second tenure. The government introduced a host of laws and the Ehtesab Act, 1997 was one of them. .
    But one singular decision that overshadows all other government measures was that Pakistan will become a nuclear power. Such a meritorious credit goes to Mr Nawaz Sharif whose government carried out at Chagai (Balochistan) three nuclear tests on May 28, 1998, in response to the Indian detonation of its five nuclear devices. The Nawaz Government had found it imperative for Pakistan to carry out these nuclear tests, in order to provide an effective defense, and to deter Indian adventurism in the midst of a massive opposition worldwide. When the government made an official announcement on conducting nuclear test, it also proclaimed a state of emergency the same day. All fundamental rights were suspended and all the foreign currency accounts in Pakistani banks were frozen. The same day his government introduced the Fifteenth Amendment Bill to the National Assembly to acquire additional powers for the prime minister and his administration. The bill generated heated debate throughout the country but was passed by the National Assembly on October 9, 1998. But it could not be incorporated in the constitution because it was not sent to the Senate for approval and could not seek validity as a legal instrument. However, the bill led to a serious conflict between and among state institutions and COAS Gen Jehangir Karamat resigned on October 7. He was Gen Pervez Musharraf. The Kargil Operation in its aftermath again led to tension in relations between Nawaz Sharif and the armed forces. This tension culminated in Musharraf overthrowing Nawaz Sharif’s elected government on October 12, 1999.

  9. Allama Muhammad Iqbal Poet of the East
    Dr. Allama Muhammad Iqbal

    Poet-philosopher Allama Mohanmad Iqbal is the best articulated Muslim response to modernity that the Islamic world has produced in the 20th century. His was a creative engagement with the conceptual paradigm of modernism at a sophisticated philosophical level through his prose writings, mainly his several lectures contained in the book titled “The Reconstruction of Islamic Thought”, that portrays his basic philosophic insights. His Urdu and Persian poetry is the best embodiment of poetically mediated thought, squarely in the traditional continuity of Islamic literature and perhaps the finest flowering of wisdom poetry that was a contemplative or inspirational poetry in the modern times that projects him as a political activist and a socio-political reformer who rose ardently up to his social responsibility, his calling to the Muslims at a critical phase of the Indian history.
    Born in Sialkot on November 9, 1877 – April 21, 1938, Iqbal studied in Cambridge in Britain and Munich and Heidelberg in Germany and became a jurist. But he concentrated primarily on scholarly works on politics, economics, history, philosophy and religion. He is best known for his poetic works, including Asrar-i-Khudi,, for which he was knighted, Ruuz-i-Bekhudi, and Baang-i-Dara with the enduring patriotic song Tarana-i-Hind (Sare Jahan se Achha, Hindustan Hamara). For Irnians, who adored his Persian poetry, he was Eghbāl-e-LāIqbal (Iqbal of Lahore. Iqbal was a strong proponent of the political and spiritual revival of Islamic civilization across the world, but specifically in South Asia. A prominent leaders of the All India Muslim League, Iqbal encouraged the creation of a “state in northwestern India for Muslims” in his presidential address in the AIML meeting at Allahabad in 1930. Iqbal encouraged and worked closely with Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and he is known as Muffakir-e-Pakistan (“The Thinker of Pakistan”), Shair-e-Mashriq (“The Poet of the East”), and Hakeem-ul-Ummat (The sage of Muslim Ummah). He is officially recognized as the national poet of Pakistan. Iqbal died on November 21, 1938 and lies in eternal rest in a mausoleum along the Mughal period Badshahi Masjid in Lahore

  10. Quaid Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah FATHER OF THE NATION
    Quaid-i-Azam, Muhammad Ali Jinnah

    Few individuals significantly alter the course of history; fewer still modify the map of the world; hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state; and Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all the three. Hailed as the Quaid-i-Azam (the great leader), Jinnah virtually conjured the country into a statehood by his indomitable will. His place of primacy in Pakistan’s history looms large like a lofty minaret over the achievement of all his contemporaries in Muslim League. Yet Jinnah began his political career as a leader of the Indian National Congress and remained until the World War I India’s best “Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity”. As enigmatic as Mahatma Gandhi, more powerful that Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru, Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah was one of the most charismatic leaders of the recent history ended up as the architect of partitioning India to carve out Pakistan in 1947, some four decades after he started as a Congress leader who initially wanted political and electoral safeguards for Indian Muslims with a separate electorate that ensured them one-thirds of their representation in the Central Legislative Council and provincial assemblies. Jinnah’s effort was manifest in the Lucknow Pact (1916) and his Fourteen Points (1920). That is how noted American biographer and expert on South India Stanley Wolpert assessed the life and political role of the founder of Pakistan in his outstanding biographic write-up “Jinnah of Pakistan”, as one of the most credible book on the father of the nation.
    Born on December 25, 1876 as the scion of the Poonja family from Gujrat’s Kathiwar, Jinnah had the early education from Sindh Madrassa and the Mission School in Karachi and left in 1892 for England to study law at the Lincoln’s Inn, then among top 10 universities of the world. He graduated from the university at the age of 19 and became the youngest Indian to be called to the bar in England.
    On returning to India in 1896, Jinnah joined the Indian National Congress, then the largest Indian political organization. Like most of the Congress at the time, Jinnah did not favour outright independence, considering British influences on education, law, culture and industry as beneficial to India. Jinnah became a member on the sixty-member Imperial Legislative Council and was greatly instrumental in the passing of the Child Marriages Restraint Act, the legitimization of the Muslim waqf (religious endowments) and was appointed to the Sandhurst committee, which helped establish the Indian Military Academy at Dehra Dun during the World War I because he was among the Indian moderates who supported the British war effort, hoping that Indians would be rewarded with political freedoms.

    Eventually, Jinnah joined the All-India Muslim League in 1913 and became its president at the 1916 session in Lucknow.. He also played an important role in the founding of the All India Home Rule League in 1916. Along with political leaders Annie Besant and Tilak, Jinnah demanded “home rule” for India—the status of a self-governing dominion in the Empire. Jinnah’s life witnessed a turning point when the Raj got the Rowlett Act passed by the Central Legislative Council to give police the sweeping powers of entering any house without warrant in search of rebels and rebellion literature. Otherwise a cool and composed person, Jinnah made a hard hitting speech at the council meeting and quit its membership in protest.

    This single episode made Jinnah later to advocate a separate Muslim state and the Lahore Resolution adopted by the Muslim League’s general council’s session near the Minar-i-Pakistan (then Minto Park) seeking complete support of the demand of the Quaid-i-Azm The League won most reserved Muslim seats in the elections of 1946. After the British and Congress backed out of the Cabinet Mission Plan Jinnah called for a Direct Action Day on August 16, 1946.to achieve Pakistan. The day saw massive rioting in Calcutta between Muslims and Hindus.[As the Indian National Congress and Muslim League failed to reach a power sharing formula for united India, it prompted both the parties and the British to agree to independence of Pakistan and India. As the first Governor-General of Pakistan, Jinnah led efforts to lay the foundations of the new state of Pakistan, frame national policies and rehabilitate millions of Muslim refugees who had migrated from India. He died in September 1948, just over a year after Pakistan gained independence from the British Empire. He was so active on a wide range of subjects that in 1925 he was offered a knighthood by Viceroy Lord Reading that he declined saying “I prefer to be plain Mr. Jinnah

  11. Our Vision for the Future The Pakistan Muslim League resolved under the leadership of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah in 1947 that Pakistan will be a state that will ensure a society based on socio-economic justice and where the people will enjoy all rights and equal opportunities without fear or favour and where they will be free from want, hunger and poverty.
    But with the passage of time this cherished goal kept on eluding us and, unfortunately we stand reduced to a nation that has no direction; where the people suffer one dispossession after the other; where the state institutions have lost their meaning and face a total collapse. Perpetual deprivations have given rise to religious and political intolerance and bigotry to a degree that we have to fight extremism and militancy that poses a big threat to the very existence of Pakistan. Rampant corruption, deception and falsehood have come to stay as a culture, eroding the very fabric of our national integrity. The state has become so fragile as to have lost its potential to support the weak and the vulnerable. Consequently, disrespect of law has become a social trait and a vast population continues to plunge deep into a quagmire of deprivations; every year we find more vulnerable section of society being subjected to all kinds of socio-economic miseries; and the number of the poor, who have no access to education, health and food and other basic necessities of life, is rising in multitude.
    These are the daunting challenges that the Pakistan Muslim League has decided to surmount with a vision that is rooted deep in our commitment and that finds direction from the universally accepted egalitarian principles of unadulterated democracy, rule of law, merit and self-reliance to venture to a destination of economic well being of the people of Pakistan without provincial, regional and racial discrimination.
    We also understand that half-hearted and fractional steps will not work; the only workable strategy will be a revolutionary spirit to bring about far-reaching, radical and basic change and remoulding our behaviour and conduct in consonance with the gigantic task ahead. We firmly believe in this national duty and understand that a meaningful and lasting change will come only we lend strength to the weak, make the vulnerable feel secured from want and ridding the poor of the fear of insecurity so that all the sections of society are enabled to make equal and consequential contribution to strengthen Pakistan and make its federation working vibrantly.
    We undertake the higher ideals of a state nationhood that will ultimately bring the people of all the provinces together rising above parochial and regional consideration. Our weapon to achieve this Pakistani nationalism will be our policy of conciliation and reconciliation that will make the people from one end of the country to the other feel that they are the custodians of Pakistan and they have the best opportunity to peacefully co-exist in the federation enjoying complete internal and financial provincial autonomy to make the federal Pakistan a pulsating, modern and forward-looking Islamic state that is making a momentous contribution to global peace.
    We will be guided in this onerous national duty by the golden principles of Islam, the Constitution of 1973, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the path shown to us by our founding father who, in his speech as the president of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on August 11, 1947, focused on ending corruption, bribery and nepotism and observed, “Now, if we want to make this great state of Pakistan happy and prosperous, we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, especially the masses and the poor”.

  12. Education With knowledge becoming the key driver of economic and social progress in future, education must become number one national priority. Education is also the greatest single equalizer of society and mass education can help to solve most of our problems. An educated, technological advanced and progressive society is the aspiration of all the people of Pakistan. During its previous tenure, the PML(N) government took several important initiatives in this sector. These will be supplemented by the following policies to ensure decisive movement towards this vital objective:

    •Ensure free education in all public sector institutions up to higher secondary level. The system will work through provision of transferable voucher scheme to encourage competition in the public sector educational institutions.
    •Achieve cent per cent enrollment in middle school education by 2012 and secondary education (Matric) by 2015; and 80% enrollment in higher secondary education (Intermediate) by 2020.
    •Guarantee that all students who get first division in both Matric and Intermediate examinations are ensured of a place in a public sector college in their tehsil/taluka/sub-division. This is PML-N’s top priority target.
    •A National Education Corps will be set up to employ all jobless graduates in literacy and adult education programmes with the objective of achieving cent per cent adult literacy by 2012; cent per cent adult education up to middle level by 2015; and the same goal up to Matric by 2020.
    •The PML-N federal government will finance 50 per cent of the public sector education program up to higher secondary level through grants to provinces and cent per cent of all public sector universities and higher education institutions through grants. The government will also meet complete financial needs of the National Education Corp.
    •Provide maximum facilities for science education and vocational training for all middle and high school students.
    •Provide incentives for private investment in education.
    •Pay special attention to the development of libraries at national, provincial and district levels.
    •Promote several centers for professional excellence in various scientific disciplines by providing highly qualified teachers, generous scholarships for training abroad, and liberal grants to science laboratories.

    The PML(N) resolves to work out and implement a National Education Policy to break the monopoly of elitist education system and to create equal education opportunities for the youth of all classes of society to get quality education in the public sector institutions. A participatory approach will be adopted to achieve key targets through public- private partnerships. Strategies shall be made to optimally harness and utilize the existing education facilities by improving governance, efficiency, monitoring, and effectiveness.
    To improve the quality of education for the poor, Education Foundations will be set up in each province and eventually at the district level to take over and manage education facilities through top level professionals. As described in the section on Employment, they will be received grants on per student basis.
    National curricula will be standardized and adopted at all levels to eliminate multi-class system based education in the country. Focus will be on academic content in science and mathematics. Curricula will be enriched by putting more emphasis on acquisition of practical skills, along with theoretical perception, and environmental education.
    Teaching profession will be made more attractive by grant of higher salaries to teachers who possess qualifications higher than the prescribed level. Teachers showing good results will be adequately rewarded in addition to the best teacher awards to be introduced at all levels of education. National medals and awards will be given to nation’s best teachers every year. Principals/Heads of educational institutions/teachers will be given special status in local areas. Female teachers will be posted as close to their homes as possible.
    Ethics and values based curriculum and teaching systems with a focus on character building to develop honesty, perseverance, tolerance, discipline, wisdom, innovation, respect, and team play, as enshrined in Islam, will be introduced at all levels. The teaching of Quran with translation will be compulsory for all Muslim students in secondary schools.
    One important objective of education at all levels will be to add to the productivity of the youth so that he or she is able to make a valuable contribution to society.
    Model schools will be set up at all districts and sub-districts where admission will be granted through competition. The administration of model schools will be autonomous. Educational expenses will be borne by students, but poor students will be given scholarships.
    Curriculum and the examination system will be linked to national commercial and trading requirements.
    The private sector will be persuaded to give free education to deserving students to be selected through competition. In return such schools will be given remission in taxes.
    Scientific and technological will get the maximum focus to raise the educational standards in conformity with the modern educational requirements. As a step, scientific and technological education will be given a boost with the help of research; major educational institutions will get separate research centers for the purpose.

    “Book Banks” will be established at each locality with the government’s financial assistance to provide old books to deserving students free of cost.
    Education to women will be given the maximum attention; rural women will be the main target.
    Students will be persuaded to take part in sports and other extra-curricular activities.
    Professional apprenticeship will be sponsored with the help of local industries to train the youth in different technical and professional disciplines for respectable livelihood.

    LITERACY: The PML-N seeks a goal of ensuring the schooling of all children between six and 12 years of age with a target to achieve cent per cent literacy in 15 years. A number of projects have been worked out with a focus of maximum utilization of public sector primary schools to impart basic learning in shifts. Mosques may also be used for primary education between the Fajr and Zohr prayers. The PML-N government will encourage the establishment of schools by unemployed educated people and women ion particular will be given the incentive of free allotment of land in villages. The construction of school building will involve government’s help in a way a to give such women one-thirds of funds as grant, another one-thirds in soft loans and the remaining 33 per cent as their equity. Another way of promoting literacy is using buildings of all educational institutions to start evening classes

  13. Agricultural and Rural Development Economy
    PML-N believes in free market economy and deregulation of all segments of economic order. At the same time we believe in safety net that will make sure that the policy of free market economy and deregulations does, in no way, impinge upon the economic interests of the people in the form of raising the cost of living and prices of essential commodities remain within their affordability. The national economy hinges on boosting agricultural productivity and rural development in addition to expanding and boosting industrial output and the country’s manufacturing sector.
    Agriculture and Rural Development: The Pakistan Muslim League (N) believes that prosperous agriculture is the backbone of national prosperity and diversification of the rural economy by expanding non-farm rural employment is critical for the alleviation of poverty. To accelerate the pace of agricultural and rural development, the Pakistan Muslim League (N) shall:

    •Turn agriculture into a fully viable economic industry by changing the policy framework and terms of trade in favour of the farming community;
    •Focus on the small farmers as backbone of the rural economy and assure their access to knowledge-based input and marketing. Development of the livestock sector will be given high priority.
    •Revitalize the cooperative movement to meet the real needs of the rural population by setting up agro-based service corporations with majority equity of the poor and managed by professional managers.
    •Reform the agricultural credit system to ensure that at least 50 per cent of the total loan is provided to the small farmers and land owners are able to obtain credit on the basis of the market value of their land rather than outdated produce index units.
    • Move rapidly towards national self-sufficiency in oilseeds.
    •Convert Pakistan into a large net exporter of food and high-value crops and remove restrictions on agricultural exports.
    •Building consensus on the basis of the 1991 Water Accord on the distribution of Indus System water; we will focus on developing new water projects and extension of irrigation facilities to additional areas.
    •Ensure full utilization of available water resources by expanding the on-farm water management programme.
    •Initiate schemes for crop insurance through private insurance companies to protect the farmer against the vagaries of weather.
    •Encourage ecologically sound development policies to preserve and develop the country’s natural and forest resources to counteract the impact of global warming.
    •Provide incentives for farmers to adopt social forestry on a commercial scale rather than depend on restrictive laws for this purpose particularly in border areas.
    •Expand the programme to fight the cancer of water-logging and salinity.
    •A major project of aquifer recharge will be undertaken in arid and semi arid areas of Cholistan, Thar and Balochistan to ensure that water flow from tubewells installed in these areas can be sustained.
    •Immediate updating of the revenue and property records using Information Technology will be undertaken. Based on the information so generated ‘benamis’ can be done away with property rights of women farmers to have access to agricultural credit;
    •Policy shift in agriculture from commodity based agriculture to product based agriculture. For example, 22 products can be produced from corn.
    •All agricultural research organizations will be completely revamped to ensure that the benefits of research actually reach farmers.
    • Agricultural education in general and curriculum of agriculture universities in particular will be modernized.
    •Mafias and monopolies in case of major agriculture products will be eliminated putting in place appropriate agricultural marketing strategies.
    •Under its land reform programme, PML(N) will reclaim and irrigate additional land for allotment to landless haris and tenants. It will also undertake a land consolidation programme to create viable units for modern agriculture.
    Industrial Development

    The manufacturing sector in Pakistan is in a state of crisis because of rising costs of utilities and credit and low labour productivity. Its industrial structure is stuck in low value sectors and its ability to complete is shrinking. The survival of any nation in today’s world depends upon its ability to absorb the technological progress of this age and improve its competitive edge. Planned industrial development along with sustained progress in agriculture must be the two important pillars of our economic policy.

    To transform Pakistan rapidly into a modern, industrial society the Pakistan Muslim League (N) will extend in addition to existing tax holiday facilities a complete tax holiday to all new industries for the first three years after they go into production, to cause a major boost to and promotion of industrial investment and employment.

    Industrial growth is essentially linked with the development of infrastructure facilities. We pledge to introduce immediate measures to remove existing imbalances by adopting the following specific measures:

    •Provide the full energy needs of an expanding industrial sector through maximum exploitation of domestic sources of energy namely coal, gas and hydro to end energy crisis, combined with measure for the conservation of energy, introduce renewable energy measures and more efficient use of power.
    •Provide improved means of communications including telecommunications and port facilities to meet the growing needs of our industry.
    •Improve the transportation systems in major industrial zones and urban centers and complete the network of motorways initiated by the PML(N) government in the 1990’s to have a direct access to airports and sea ports.
    •Chambers of Commerce and Industry will be encouraged to develop industrial zones in suitable locations with access to localized electricity generation.
    •Industrial estates, equipped with electricity, gas, telephone, and sewerage will be developed, especially in backward areas and along the motorways, for the convenience of domestic and overseas investors. Efforts will be made to put in place standard factory buildings ready for occupation, without any waiting period. Multinational companies with expertise in the field will be invited to develop infrastructure facilities in collaboration with local companies.
    •Streamline the procedure for industrial sanctions and other facilities required in line with the principle of “one-window facility”.
    •Improve the system of industrial credit and enable land owners to borrow funds on the basis of the market value of agricultural land and other rural property

  14. Extremism and Terrorism Extremism and its dreadful manifestation in the form of terrorism and suicide bombing, is a very complex phenomena whose nature must be clearly understood. It is a lethal combination of traditional nationalism rising against foreign occupation or foreign domination, a mindset that believes in Islamic revival through force and coercion and belatedly the symbolic manifestation of a new class war against local, regional and global elites.
    The number of people with an extremist mindset in Pakistan is very small, but there is a much larger number of people, especially in NWFP and the Tribal areas, who regard the war on terror as a campaign against Islam. The PML-N stands firmly opposed to religious extremism and terrorism in all its manifestations. The party understands in all its earnestness that use of force is and will remain necessary against foreign and local terrorists who take innocent lives and also to prevent infiltration across the Pakistan border. But it is even more important to win the hearts and minds of people who support them and for this a concerted process of political engagement will be adopted.
    PML(N) is committed to pursue this dual track approach and take resolute steps to eradicate the menace of extremism and terrorism which is also becoming a serious threat to life and property in Pakistan and the very integrity and solidarityn of the state.
    During its previous tenure from 1997 to 1999, the PML(N) government took a series of measures to control terrorist group and counter their activities. It also supported the efforts of the international community in dealing with this threat to peace and stability. In keeping with this policy PML(N) will further step up these efforts by:

    •Strengthening the capacity of law enforcing agencies to detect and control terrorist groups and their supporters;
    •Influencing the groups which directly or indirectly support terrorism, through political intermediaries and civil society organizations to adhere to basic Islamic principles of peace, moderation and justice.
    •Promoting the rule of law, tolerance and mutual respect in the country to overcome the sense of deprivation and desperation which pushes certain segments of society towards extremism.
    •Taking steps to mainstream the tribal areas into the political, economic and cultural activities of the country and accelerating the pace of economic and social development in these areas.
    •Intensifying diplomatic efforts to deal with the underlying causes like Kashmir and Palestine

  15. National Security and Foreign Policy Independence and sovereignty of the state, its defense and freedom of its people from want, poverty and ignorance will always remain the supreme guiding principle in the PML-N’s conduct of the country’s foreign policy. Our foreign policy will be non-aligned so that relations with states across the world are lasting and beneficial for Pakistan. Our foreign policy will, therefore, be formulated and executed in a manner as to strengthen the country’s sovereignty, ensure its external and internal security and the well-being of its citizens in addition to promote peace and augment efforts for global prosperity.
    To this end, the highest priority would be accorded to strengthening the nation’s defenses, while promoting peace and stability in the country and the region within the ambit of the principle of “Friendship with all; enmity to none” as enunciated by the founder of Pakistan, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah that we adhere to as a guiding force. Pakistan succeeded in acquiring nuclear and missile capability in the teeth of stiff opposition from outside powers. This is a sacred trust of the people of Pakistan and we remain committed to preserve, protect and enhance it. No proposal or initiative would ever be considered to strike any compromise on this deterring capability nor will this be allowed to be weakened, curtailed or diminished.
    We actively support all UN and global initiatives for curbing the menace of international terrorism and, at the same times, seek a just and fair international political and economic order, based on the United Nations charters, conventions and covenant and its principle of peaceful co-existence. We also seek the world support and seek from the United Nations that all its efforts would be directed to resolve the Jammu and Kashmir conflict, in accordance with the provisions of the relevant UN resolutions and in consonance with the aspirations of the people of the disputed territory who have an inalienable right to decide their future and destiny within the parameters of self determination.
    The PML-N stands for a peaceful and negotiated settlement of all outstanding issues with India, in a spirit of fairness and equity. This includes the Jammu and Kashmir dispute and the PML-N stands for its settlement in accordance with the UN resolution. PML-N will never compromise this long standing position on Kashmir dispute
    Unity and solidarity amongst the member states of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) would be promoted and efforts made to strengthen the effectiveness and credibility of the organization. Special attention will be accorded to strengthening relations with the brotherly Islamic states, given our historic commitment to promoting fraternal relations with them.
    China has been a time tested friend of Pakistan. Every effort would be made to strengthen and enhance this relationship, so as to make it truly strategic, by imparting greater substance and depth to it.
    The Cabinet Committee on Defense and National Security will be fully utilized to establish political and civilian control over foreign policy. The foreign policy will be re-oriented in such a manner as to make sure that there is greater commercial and economic content in our ties with friendly powers.
    As a developing and non-aligned state, Pakistan attached great importance to relations with the United States, the European Union, Japan and other developed countries and make all possible efforts to promote these relations to the benefit of our country. Our foreign policy shall also make all endeavors to strengthen its relations, particularly in the economic sector, with other developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America.
    Special measure would be taken to promote the global trading regimes, with emphasis on protecting the interests and requirements of developing countries.

  16. Pingback: Ahmaddiyas face persecution in Pakistan | southasiaobserver

  17. Pingback: (خواجہ فرید کی روہی اور مذہبی عدم روادری (پارٹ ٹو | PakVoices

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